- Log in to Wiley Online Library
- Politics of security : British and West German protest movements and the early Cold War, 1945-1970
- coesapotu.tk | Politics of Security | | Holger Nehring | Boeken
- Oxford University Press
- Publications which cite archives held at the MRC - 2013?
- Secondary Schools: A Reference Handbook (Contemporary Education Issues).
- Letters of Rainer Maria Rilke, 1892-1910.
- Lonesome George: The Life and Loves of a Conservation Icon.
- Bestselling Series?
Search my Subject Specializations: Select More This book focuses on a number of peace movements in Britain and West Germany from the end of Second World War in to the early s in order to answer this question. Authors Affiliations are at time of print publication.
Log in to Wiley Online Library
Print Save Cite Email Share. Show Summary Details. View: no detail some detail full detail. Epilogue: Redefining Experiences. End Matter Bibliography Index.
All rights reserved. Powered by: Safari Books Online. This particular section discusses the ways in which some West German and British Protestant Christians came to interpret the arms race as an issue of fundamental religious as well as political importance. Defining security is a political act; definitions of security are not fixed; claims for security are — and should be — constantly contested. Posted by Marshal Zeringue at PM. Newer Post Older Post Home.
Follow by Email.
Politics of security : British and West German protest movements and the early Cold War, 1945-1970
In the former, gendered structures still too often followed the patterns of pacifist movements for the preceding century, via which women constituted the bulk of the membership, specifically related to peace work and did most of the everyday work of the organization, preparing and posting flyers, making phone calls and making site arrangements while men took on the roles of titular leadership. In the language of this narrative, Europeans were moral and ethical, sensitive and nurturing. They did so under a banner representing characteristics for the twentieth century stereotypically female morality, sensitivity, antipathy to violence , now perceived as positive.
The second phenomenon is that this imagery seems simultaneously to have successfully challenged or reworked other gender stereotypes. This embrace and simultaneous reworking of perceived gender characteristics was even in its often contradictory forms a seminal move, anticipating the work of subsequent feminist theorists and activists around the world, including, for example, concerning diaspora sexuality and gender.
The third phenomenon was the new life and widespread legitimacy the peace movement gave to feminism in the event. Activists turned simultaneously to the strategy of placing men in leadership positions in the movement except in women-only peace organizations , but the enduring feminine association seems to have proved detrimental. While activists sometimes tied themselves into rhetorical knots with this strategy, it proved effective, at least in some respects. It can be argued that this image of a female Europe is one that Europeans have regularly and positively projected since that time.
Additionally, the peace movement united divided European feminists among themselves in many cases, at least in working directly on this issue, in a way that not even campaigns for reproductive choice had done. The emergent Green Party in West Germany grew to parliamentary strength in part by linking feminism and disarmament, care of the earth and non-violence. These represent noteworthy transformations. But the image and the broader associations were not without their both less functional and less attractive qualities as well.
The binary gendering of rearmament represented additional problems. This threatened only to reverse rather than transcend the earlier ordering of femininity versus masculinity. This rhetoric drew finally on some rather unsettling broader narratives. In the case of West Germans, this imagery could be especially troubling, as some drew analogies betweenthemselves and American slaves, and between themselves, even specifically as Christian Germans, and victims of Auschwitz.
It is not difficult to imagine how such imagery might have attracted participants to the peace movement. The comparisons offered new and implicitly appealing narratives of the past as well as of the present.
coesapotu.tk | Politics of Security | | Holger Nehring | Boeken
Rather, the rhetoric often seemed to suggest: We are and remain the vulnerable victims of violence, and it is in that narrative that we trace our history. This was a message both pragmatically and philosophically problematic. While this paper focuses on European peace protest in the Cold War Western bloc, it should be acknowledged that movements for peace flourished likewise throughout the Cold War Eastern bloc not to mention in the non-aligned nations.
The former began as state-sponsored ventures, associated with the Soviet-dominated World Peace Council.
Yet, from the beginning of the s, authorities held only tenuous control over these protestors, many of whom soon became closely joined with broader reform initiatives for government reform, in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and elsewhere. This activism was in turn formative in the broader movements that brought about the end of the Cold War only a few years later, in What were the sources of these patterns in the Cold War West? Peace activists in the s did not draw ex nihilo on a gendered image of Europe, any more than on a feminized peace activism, though they were successful in using these images to evoke contemporary concerns and associations.
There is a long history of figuring Europe as a woman.
Oxford University Press
In the nineteenth century, this image had been largely a negative one. In this scenario, the U. As the notion of a Cold War became the dominant template for viewing postwar Europe, some regarded America increasingly as a bullying defender, uninterested in consensual partnership.
As after World War I, many Germans felt particularly vulnerable to unequal relations. Europe was the abused wife. We can find these issues and this rhetoric too in the British case, despite its different wartime relation to the U. This appeal was in part in writing the story of the arms race in a particular way.